Foram encontradas 180 questões.
When conducting a survey on the use of technology in the
legislative process, one of the questions I asked was “Has the
legislature, as an institution or in part, resisted technology based
changes?” I asked this question based on my own experience
with the Massachusetts Legislature. I spent 9 years working with
legislators and senior staff, and the way they sometimes
approached technology was at times comical―at times
frightening. My friends and I watched on―and laughed―the
first time a laptop computer or an iPhone made its way onto the
floor of the Massachusetts House or Senate and the members
gathered around it, acting as though they were looking at an
artifact that had been dropped from Mars. I also saw an older
legislative drafter become befuddled and angry when he was
forced to start using the “track changes” and “comment”
functions on Microsoft Word rather than marking up a bill with
his beloved red pencil.
Sean J. Kealy. Technology & Legislative Drafting In The United States.
Internet:<sites.bu.edu> (adapted).
Judge the following item concerning the previous text.
The negative way some legislators reacted to technology sometimes scared the author of the text.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Little attention has been devoted to legislation’s point of
origin — the legislative drafting process. Such commentary as
has been offered is essentially technical in nature. However, the
relationship between drafter and text is the furthest thing from a
technical, value-neutral enterprise.
For example: a question confronted by every drafter and
one with obvious ethical and political implications is, “How
much is to be left to the drafter’s discretion?” Obviously, the
drafter who less frequently inquires about the client’s desires will
have greater latitude to exercise discretion and accordingly can
play more of an “advocacy” role in shaping the legislation, a
situation which can lead to his or her sidesteping the duty of
abiding by a client’s decisions concerning the objectives of
representation.
But this is not to paint too malevolent a portrait of
legislative drafting personnel. They are not a fifth column of
subversives who pursue personal advocacy objectives in
everything that they do. Indeed, many may even be unaware of
their power. They are, though, continually called upon to exercise
personal judgment in the performance of their duties. Such
judgments are frequently policy judgments, and drafting
decisions are often influenced consciously or subconsciously by
the advocacy agenda of the individual drafter. The legislative
drafter plays a more active role in the process than is generally
accorded to the stereotypical scribe, laboring in nameless and
faceless obscurity to produce a bill draft.
David Marcello. The Ethics and Politics of Legislative Drafting.
In: Tulane Law Review, vol. 70, p. 2437, 1996 (adapted).
About the preceding text, judge the following item.
It is correct to conclude from the first paragraph of the text that its author believes that not much has been explored about the true nature of legislative drafters’ work, which is not merely technical and impartial.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Little attention has been devoted to legislation’s point of
origin — the legislative drafting process. Such commentary as
has been offered is essentially technical in nature. However, the
relationship between drafter and text is the furthest thing from a
technical, value-neutral enterprise.
For example: a question confronted by every drafter and
one with obvious ethical and political implications is, “How
much is to be left to the drafter’s discretion?” Obviously, the
drafter who less frequently inquires about the client’s desires will
have greater latitude to exercise discretion and accordingly can
play more of an “advocacy” role in shaping the legislation, a
situation which can lead to his or her sidesteping the duty of
abiding by a client’s decisions concerning the objectives of
representation.
But this is not to paint too malevolent a portrait of
legislative drafting personnel. They are not a fifth column of
subversives who pursue personal advocacy objectives in
everything that they do. Indeed, many may even be unaware of
their power. They are, though, continually called upon to exercise
personal judgment in the performance of their duties. Such
judgments are frequently policy judgments, and drafting
decisions are often influenced consciously or subconsciously by
the advocacy agenda of the individual drafter. The legislative
drafter plays a more active role in the process than is generally
accorded to the stereotypical scribe, laboring in nameless and
faceless obscurity to produce a bill draft.
David Marcello. The Ethics and Politics of Legislative Drafting.
In: Tulane Law Review, vol. 70, p. 2437, 1996 (adapted).
About the preceding text, judge the following item.
The main point of the text is to reveal how drafters can deliberately manipulate the drafting process according to their own interests.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Little attention has been devoted to legislation’s point of
origin — the legislative drafting process. Such commentary as
has been offered is essentially technical in nature. However, the
relationship between drafter and text is the furthest thing from a
technical, value-neutral enterprise.
For example: a question confronted by every drafter and
one with obvious ethical and political implications is, “How
much is to be left to the drafter’s discretion?” Obviously, the
drafter who less frequently inquires about the client’s desires will
have greater latitude to exercise discretion and accordingly can
play more of an “advocacy” role in shaping the legislation, a
situation which can lead to his or her sidesteping the duty of
abiding by a client’s decisions concerning the objectives of
representation.
But this is not to paint too malevolent a portrait of
legislative drafting personnel. They are not a fifth column of
subversives who pursue personal advocacy objectives in
everything that they do. Indeed, many may even be unaware of
their power. They are, though, continually called upon to exercise
personal judgment in the performance of their duties. Such
judgments are frequently policy judgments, and drafting
decisions are often influenced consciously or subconsciously by
the advocacy agenda of the individual drafter. The legislative
drafter plays a more active role in the process than is generally
accorded to the stereotypical scribe, laboring in nameless and
faceless obscurity to produce a bill draft.
David Marcello. The Ethics and Politics of Legislative Drafting.
In: Tulane Law Review, vol. 70, p. 2437, 1996 (adapted).
About the preceding text, judge the following item.
By using the expressions “‘advocacy’ role” (second sentence of the second paragraph) and “advocacy agenda” (forth sentence of the third paragraph), the author is referring specifically to people who have a degree in law and work in the legislative branch.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Little attention has been devoted to legislation’s point of
origin — the legislative drafting process. Such commentary as
has been offered is essentially technical in nature. However, the
relationship between drafter and text is the furthest thing from a
technical, value-neutral enterprise.
For example: a question confronted by every drafter and
one with obvious ethical and political implications is, “How
much is to be left to the drafter’s discretion?” Obviously, the
drafter who less frequently inquires about the client’s desires will
have greater latitude to exercise discretion and accordingly can
play more of an “advocacy” role in shaping the legislation, a
situation which can lead to his or her sidesteping the duty of
abiding by a client’s decisions concerning the objectives of
representation.
But this is not to paint too malevolent a portrait of
legislative drafting personnel. They are not a fifth column of
subversives who pursue personal advocacy objectives in
everything that they do. Indeed, many may even be unaware of
their power. They are, though, continually called upon to exercise
personal judgment in the performance of their duties. Such
judgments are frequently policy judgments, and drafting
decisions are often influenced consciously or subconsciously by
the advocacy agenda of the individual drafter. The legislative
drafter plays a more active role in the process than is generally
accorded to the stereotypical scribe, laboring in nameless and
faceless obscurity to produce a bill draft.
David Marcello. The Ethics and Politics of Legislative Drafting.
In: Tulane Law Review, vol. 70, p. 2437, 1996 (adapted).
About the preceding text, judge the following item.
The text confronts the idea of neutrality of those whose work is to write texts that may become law.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Little attention has been devoted to legislation’s point of
origin — the legislative drafting process. Such commentary as
has been offered is essentially technical in nature. However, the
relationship between drafter and text is the furthest thing from a
technical, value-neutral enterprise.
For example: a question confronted by every drafter and
one with obvious ethical and political implications is, “How
much is to be left to the drafter’s discretion?” Obviously, the
drafter who less frequently inquires about the client’s desires will
have greater latitude to exercise discretion and accordingly can
play more of an “advocacy” role in shaping the legislation, a
situation which can lead to his or her sidesteping the duty of
abiding by a client’s decisions concerning the objectives of
representation.
But this is not to paint too malevolent a portrait of
legislative drafting personnel. They are not a fifth column of
subversives who pursue personal advocacy objectives in
everything that they do. Indeed, many may even be unaware of
their power. They are, though, continually called upon to exercise
personal judgment in the performance of their duties. Such
judgments are frequently policy judgments, and drafting
decisions are often influenced consciously or subconsciously by
the advocacy agenda of the individual drafter. The legislative
drafter plays a more active role in the process than is generally
accorded to the stereotypical scribe, laboring in nameless and
faceless obscurity to produce a bill draft.
David Marcello. The Ethics and Politics of Legislative Drafting.
In: Tulane Law Review, vol. 70, p. 2437, 1996 (adapted).
About the preceding text, judge the following item.
In “But this is not to paint too malevolent a portrait” (first sentence of the third paragraph), “this” does not refer to a specific previous word, but to the entire statement made in the second paragraph.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Little attention has been devoted to legislation’s point of
origin — the legislative drafting process. Such commentary as
has been offered is essentially technical in nature. However, the
relationship between drafter and text is the furthest thing from a
technical, value-neutral enterprise.
For example: a question confronted by every drafter and
one with obvious ethical and political implications is, “How
much is to be left to the drafter’s discretion?” Obviously, the
drafter who less frequently inquires about the client’s desires will
have greater latitude to exercise discretion and accordingly can
play more of an “advocacy” role in shaping the legislation, a
situation which can lead to his or her sidesteping the duty of
abiding by a client’s decisions concerning the objectives of
representation.
But this is not to paint too malevolent a portrait of
legislative drafting personnel. They are not a fifth column of
subversives who pursue personal advocacy objectives in
everything that they do. Indeed, many may even be unaware of
their power. They are, though, continually called upon to exercise
personal judgment in the performance of their duties. Such
judgments are frequently policy judgments, and drafting
decisions are often influenced consciously or subconsciously by
the advocacy agenda of the individual drafter. The legislative
drafter plays a more active role in the process than is generally
accorded to the stereotypical scribe, laboring in nameless and
faceless obscurity to produce a bill draft.
David Marcello. The Ethics and Politics of Legislative Drafting.
In: Tulane Law Review, vol. 70, p. 2437, 1996 (adapted).
About the preceding text, judge the following item.
The fragment of a sentence “greater latitude to exercise discretion” (second sentence of the second paragraph) can be, without this changing the original meaning of the text, replaced with greater possibilities to be discreet.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Em 1988, ano do centenário da abolição da escravatura no
Brasil, foi promulgada a atual Constituição Federal, a primeira a
tratar da questão racial e a que tornou o racismo crime
inafiançável e imprescritível. Naquele ano de memória e avanço
civilizatório, foi feita uma pequena pesquisa sobre racismo. Seus
resultados mostravam um cenário contraditório: ao mesmo tempo
em que 97% dos entrevistados afirmavam não ter preconceito
racial, 98% dos entrevistados diziam conhecer pessoas racistas e
ter presenciado situações de discriminação racial. A melhor
descrição da situação foi feita anos depois pela historiadora e
antropóloga Lilia Moritz Schwarcz: “A conclusão informal é de
que todo brasileiro parece se sentir como uma ilha de democracia
racial, cercado de racistas por todos os lados.”
Hoje, o debate sobre o racismo cresceu. As cotas raciais
são um sucesso social e acadêmico comprovado. Tendem a ser
cada vez menos numerosos os que acreditam na democracia
racial e cada vez maior o número dos que sabem que o racismo
deve ser extirpado.
Entretanto, a tendência de reconhecer mais o racismo não
se repete em relação ao machismo. Todos reconhecem que há
discriminação contra pretos e pardos, mas não contra as
mulheres; todos reconhecem que há racismo, mas não
reconhecem que há machismo — embora os mais jovens não se
revelem machistas. Todas as gerações negam a discriminação
contra as mulheres, apesar de a geração dos que nasceram no
novo milênio ser a que menos percebe a discriminação de gênero,
tanto mulheres quanto homens. No Brasil de hoje, há uma regra
social implícita, segundo a qual ninguém pode deixar de
reconhecer o racismo, mas a sociedade não reconhece a
discriminação contra a mulher como relevante.
Felipe Nunes. Brasil no espelho: um guia para entender o Brasil e os brasileiros.
Rio de Janeiro: Globo, 2025, p. 185-186 (com adaptações).
Julgue o próximo item, relativo ao texto precedente.
Os dois primeiros períodos do segundo parágrafo poderiam ser reescritos em um único período, sem prejuízo da correção gramatical e da coerência do texto, da seguinte forma: Atualmente, considerando o avanço do debate sobre o racismo, as cotas raciais já são aceitas como um sucesso social e acadêmico.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Em 1988, ano do centenário da abolição da escravatura no
Brasil, foi promulgada a atual Constituição Federal, a primeira a
tratar da questão racial e a que tornou o racismo crime
inafiançável e imprescritível. Naquele ano de memória e avanço
civilizatório, foi feita uma pequena pesquisa sobre racismo. Seus
resultados mostravam um cenário contraditório: ao mesmo tempo
em que 97% dos entrevistados afirmavam não ter preconceito
racial, 98% dos entrevistados diziam conhecer pessoas racistas e
ter presenciado situações de discriminação racial. A melhor
descrição da situação foi feita anos depois pela historiadora e
antropóloga Lilia Moritz Schwarcz: “A conclusão informal é de
que todo brasileiro parece se sentir como uma ilha de democracia
racial, cercado de racistas por todos os lados.”
Hoje, o debate sobre o racismo cresceu. As cotas raciais
são um sucesso social e acadêmico comprovado. Tendem a ser
cada vez menos numerosos os que acreditam na democracia
racial e cada vez maior o número dos que sabem que o racismo
deve ser extirpado.
Entretanto, a tendência de reconhecer mais o racismo não
se repete em relação ao machismo. Todos reconhecem que há
discriminação contra pretos e pardos, mas não contra as
mulheres; todos reconhecem que há racismo, mas não
reconhecem que há machismo — embora os mais jovens não se
revelem machistas. Todas as gerações negam a discriminação
contra as mulheres, apesar de a geração dos que nasceram no
novo milênio ser a que menos percebe a discriminação de gênero,
tanto mulheres quanto homens. No Brasil de hoje, há uma regra
social implícita, segundo a qual ninguém pode deixar de
reconhecer o racismo, mas a sociedade não reconhece a
discriminação contra a mulher como relevante.
Felipe Nunes. Brasil no espelho: um guia para entender o Brasil e os brasileiros.
Rio de Janeiro: Globo, 2025, p. 185-186 (com adaptações).
Julgue o próximo item, relativo ao texto precedente.
No segundo período do segundo parágrafo, o sujeito da oração iniciada pela forma verbal “Tendem” classifica-se sintaticamente como indeterminado.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Em 1988, ano do centenário da abolição da escravatura no
Brasil, foi promulgada a atual Constituição Federal, a primeira a
tratar da questão racial e a que tornou o racismo crime
inafiançável e imprescritível. Naquele ano de memória e avanço
civilizatório, foi feita uma pequena pesquisa sobre racismo. Seus
resultados mostravam um cenário contraditório: ao mesmo tempo
em que 97% dos entrevistados afirmavam não ter preconceito
racial, 98% dos entrevistados diziam conhecer pessoas racistas e
ter presenciado situações de discriminação racial. A melhor
descrição da situação foi feita anos depois pela historiadora e
antropóloga Lilia Moritz Schwarcz: “A conclusão informal é de
que todo brasileiro parece se sentir como uma ilha de democracia
racial, cercado de racistas por todos os lados.”
Hoje, o debate sobre o racismo cresceu. As cotas raciais
são um sucesso social e acadêmico comprovado. Tendem a ser
cada vez menos numerosos os que acreditam na democracia
racial e cada vez maior o número dos que sabem que o racismo
deve ser extirpado.
Entretanto, a tendência de reconhecer mais o racismo não
se repete em relação ao machismo. Todos reconhecem que há
discriminação contra pretos e pardos, mas não contra as
mulheres; todos reconhecem que há racismo, mas não
reconhecem que há machismo — embora os mais jovens não se
revelem machistas. Todas as gerações negam a discriminação
contra as mulheres, apesar de a geração dos que nasceram no
novo milênio ser a que menos percebe a discriminação de gênero,
tanto mulheres quanto homens. No Brasil de hoje, há uma regra
social implícita, segundo a qual ninguém pode deixar de
reconhecer o racismo, mas a sociedade não reconhece a
discriminação contra a mulher como relevante.
Felipe Nunes. Brasil no espelho: um guia para entender o Brasil e os brasileiros.
Rio de Janeiro: Globo, 2025, p. 185-186 (com adaptações).
Julgue o próximo item, relativo ao texto precedente.
No trecho “a primeira a tratar da questão racial e a que tornou o racismo crime” (primeiro período do texto), a conjunção “e” liga por adição duas orações adjetivas introduzidas pela preposição “a”.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Cadernos
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